The History of New York State
Book I, Chapter III
Part VI

Editor, Dr. James Sullivan

Online Edition by Holice, Deb & Pam

 

In all probability, the depression that must have come with the abandonment of the quest outweighed all other consideration, otherwise Hudson might have been glad to leave the head o the navigation, for his days at that point had not been without apprehension. At one time it seemed that his relations with the Indians had become ominously strained. He had plied some of the savages with aqua vitae, hoping that in their drunken state they would reveal any evil designs they might have against he visitors. But the Indians merely became "merrie'; all excepting one old man, who became so stupefied, that his people hardly knew how to interpret it. It seemed to them that an evil spirit had been cast over him by Hudson. Giving him up as dead, the Indians hastily left the ship, but returned next day, ready perhaps to take revenge. When they saw their venerable comrade alive and well, "they were glad." #75

After the Indians had recovered from their fright, and found that the white visitors meant them no harm, they in several way tried to show how highly they esteemed Hudson. But, as the exploration had been followed to its end, the time for departure had come. On September 23, therefore, friendly farewells were exchanged, and the "Half Moon" went down the river. A few days later, they were within a few miles of Catskill, where they had "first found loving people.' "the old man that had lyen aboard of us at the other place," presumably he who had imbibed too copiously of the strong water, now came up the river to meet them, accompanied by another old man. They brought gifts for Hudson, and seemed to offer him the freedom of their country, if not the country itself. Undoubtedly, the up-river Indians were well-disposed toward the white men.

The "Half Moon" was at the entrance of the Highlands on the 28th. With Storm King and Breakneck, looming high and forbidding before them, and a narrow channel with eddying wings ahead of the,., Hudson wisely lingered in Newburgh Bay for two days, until the strength of the wind had grown less. They thought that the spot was "a very pleasant place to build a town on." On October 1, the wind changed, and the ship ran without mishap through the channel of the Highlands. After covering 21 miles, they hove to in Haverstraw Bay. They were scarcely riding at anchor before :the people of the mountains," came flocking aboard. All of them were probably curious, but most were friendly, and, perhaps, had no pilfering intent, but all men do not think alike and all human groups hold a small percentage of meanness. It now showed in the endeavor of one savage to slip through a cabin window with "a pillow and two shirts and two bandeleers." The mate of the "Half Moon" detected the thief, and at once shot him in the breast, killing him. The time for explanation had now passed. The Indians were aroused; so also were the crew of the "Half Moon." Manning the ship's boats, the crew began a general pursuit, recovered the booty, and lopped off the hand of an Indian who had grasped the gunwale of one of the boats as he swam. Thus, two lives were paid for what might have been speedily adjusted without bloodshed had the mate reported the theft to the Indian chief.

Possibly this affray had no connection what ever with that which developed next day. As the yacht reached Manhattan, the strong incoming tide and a light wind compelled Hudson to anchor. He had hardly done so before Indians approached. In one canoe was one of the Indians who had been held by Hudson as hostage. Apparently, he was bent on revenge, but Hudson, "perceiving their intent," would not permit them to board the ship. Two canoes, filled with armed Indians, then put off from the shore, and came under the stern of the "Half Moon." They shot a flight of arrows into the ship, but no harm was done. But the return volley from half a dozen muskets was deadly, and the canoes sheered off. Soon, however,, an attack developed from the shore. More than a hundred warriors gathered on "a point of land" near the upper end of Manhattan island, and from that vantage-point showered the ship with arrows which, however, fell harmlessly beyond or on the ship. The ship's falcon (cannon) was then trained on the point and was fired by Juet. The shot is said to have killed two of the warriors. At all events, the Indians scampered to cover, but there was no such consternation among them as there had been among the Iroquois a few months earlier when Champlain let loose his "lightning." After a while, the savages returned to the attack, a canoe being manned. Another well-aimed shot from the falcon hit the canoe, which sank; and the day was won when the Dutch poured a volley of musketry into the Indians as they struggled in the water.

The Indians seem to have accepted defeat, for they did not again molest the ship, and, with the turn of the tide, the "half Moon" moved on six miles, coming to anchor off "a cliff that looked of the color of white green." They apparently were opposite Hoboken, "on that side of the river that is called Mannahata," writes Juet.

The night was stormy and the next day also, so that the "Half Moon" was wind-bound in this spot. On October 4, Hudson weighed anchor for the last time in New York waters, and, just a month after his entry, passed out to sea.

Hudson had a conference with his "company,' and found them to be "of various minds." As to what should be their course. At best, it was a motley crew, unmanageable, inharmonious, otherwise, "they would have accomplished more," the mate wished to winter in Newfoundland, going northward in the spring to explore the northwest passage through Davis' Strait, but the men had lately begun to "threaten" Hudson "savagely," if they were not taken home. So, after leaving Sandy Hook, the course was set "straight across the ocean,' and on the seventh of November, 1609, the "Half Moon" arrived safely at Dartmouth, England.

Hudson had planned to lie here until his employers, the Dutch East India Company, decided whether he should again go inquest of the Northeast or Northwest passage. The crew did not demur, so he sent report at once to Amsterdam, and intended to follow this up personally as soon as possible. Politics, however, now intervened to destroy all his plans. Even a casual study of the history of exploration and navigation during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries will show the student that navigators frequently entered foreign service; yet the English government now took umbrage at the sailing of an Englishman in Dutch service. Possibly, they knew where Hudson had been and, probably, they knew him to be too experienced an explorer to be permitted to benefit any other national than his own. At all events, they prevented him and his ship from leaving England. In January, 1610, Hudson was about to take the "Half Moon" out of Dartmouth, bound for Holland, in response to instructions received from Amsterdam, when the English authorities took action. They detained both Hudson and the "half Moon." Hudson was forbidden to leave England, and emphatically reminded that he and the Englishmen on his vessel "owed their services to their own nation."

Hudson promptly entered British service, sailing for a company, newly-formed, under the auspices of the Muscovy Company. He departed in the spring of 1610, on the voyage from which he never returned.#76

The "Half Moon" seemed likely to be confiscated, but diplomatic exchanges effected its release, and the historic ship was delivered to its owners in Amsterdam, in July, 1610. 

So ended the memorable voyage. Hudson had not found the Northwest Passage, but, in penetrating the interior of New York, the Broad prow of the "Half Moon" had, we it were, made a clear channel along which civilization might travel, and from which it might spread over what Hudson thought to be "as beautiful a land as the foot of man can tread upon." Hudson had opened the book of New York, had described its beauty, had shown its wealth, had seen as no other explorer before him had seen, the boundless possibilities of a region that now yields sustenance, in amplitude, to more than 11,000,000 of Americans. Though he was destined never again to gaze upon the "Rhine of America," he had amply served mankind in this one effort. He had brought before the notice of Europe the strong, healthy, virile heart of America, had shown the New World to be not a stretch of bleak frigidity or miasmal swamp, as most of the exploration north and south up to this time had led the average European to picture, but a country of sweet grass and goodly oaks, of rich meadows and noble timber, of delightful climate--in fact, homeland equal to the most desirable that Europe possessed.

Dutch eyes, somewhat blinded by the crustation of commercialism, could not see what Hudson had. They could see only that furs which only the wealthiest of Europeans could afford were to be had for "trifles" at the head of navigation of the "River of the Mountains." The sturdy American oaks, a few of which Hudson had felled and take home, may have appealed to this nation of shipbuilders, but they saw no lesson in the bounteous yield of grain--"enough to load three ships, besides what was growing in the fields"--which Hudson had seen when he visited a little village of only 57 Indians. All told, the voyage of the "half Moon" was disappointing to the Dutch East India Company for, as a matter of fact, they could not in any event profit by Hudson's work. He had been exploring beyond the territorial bounds of the Trading Company. The Atlantic Ocean was a closed water to them. The only pleasure and profit they, as a corporation, could have found in Hudson's northwestern endeavors would have begun when, and not before, he had reached the Pacific. Its regional waters were east of the Cape of Good Hope and west of the Straits of Magellan. So the Dutch East India Company had, perforce, to close the Hudson account, as an irrecoverable expenditure.

There were others who sought, with alacrity, to profit by the Hudson reports. In their private capacities, the Amsterdam merchants who were directors of the East India Company had, even before the arrival of the "Half Moon," fitted out another vessel; and the mate of Hudson's ship was offered and accepted the command of it. Soon after the "Half Moon" reached Amsterdam, therefore, this other vessel sailed westward, its crew being recruited from that of the "Half Moon." Its destination was the "River of the Mountains," or the "Mauritius"--by which name the Dutch soon came to now the river, so named in honor of their Stadtholder, Prince Maurice, of Nassau. The ship was visited by many Indians at Albany. They came not only with foodstuffs, but with peltries--beaver and otter skins--to barter for beads, knives, and hatchets. Here, at least, was a trading center, even though Hudson by this time was bout to abandon his belief that he had found the strait of the South Sea. The channel was narrowing, but the Straits of Magellan, "drew its banks together to within even a smaller distance than that which separated the shore of this great "River of the Mountains." However, now Hudson realized that the downward current was fresh and clear. Still, unwilling yet to think that he had failed, and that this was only a river, he despatched his mate with a boat's crew to explore farther up. They went "eight or nine leagues.' And, finding themselves on the second trip to be in only seven feet of water, they returned, reporting that they had "found it to be at an end for shipping to go in."

Footnote: De Laet in chapter VII, states that Hudson explored the river "to nearly 43° of north latitude, where it became so narrow and of so little depth that he found it necessary to return." As Albany is in 42° 39', the boat must therefore have gone above that place "eight or nine leagues" further--the distance given in Juet's "Journal."--Brodhead, "History of the State of New York," I, 32.

(De Laet, in stating that Hudson explored the river probably referred to him only in a general sense, as commander of the company of explorers. The "boat' was, it would seem, the ship's boat, not the "Half Moon. " herself.)

the captain was at last compelled, very reluctantly, no doubt, to face the actuality--that this was a river, not a strait. So no more time was lost. Next morning, the anchor was weighted when the tide was on the ebb, and the "Half Moon" sailed. The direction was south, not north, the decent had begun.

In all probability, the depression that must have come with the abandonment of the quest outweighed all other consideration, otherwise Hudson might have been glad to leave the head o the navigation, for his days at that point had not been without apprehension. At one time it seemed that his relations with the Indians had become ominously strained. He had plied some of the savages with aqua vitae, hoping that in their drunken state they would reveal any evil designs they might have against he visitors. But the Indians merely became "merrie'; all excepting one old man, who became so stupefied, that his people hardly knew how to interpret it. It seemed to them that an evil spirit had been cast over him by Hudson. Giving him up as dead, the Indians hastily left the ship, but returned next day, ready perhaps to take revenge. When they saw their venerable comrade alive and well, "they were glad."

Footnote: An endeavor has been made to trace to this incident the curse of "fire-water" among the Indians. But this was not the first time that an aborigine tasted alcohol. Cartier, at Quebec, in 1535, regaled the Indian chief, Donnecona, "with bread and wine"; and in all probability this way of ingratiating themselves with the aborigines would be taken by white men, wherever there was pressing need and the opportunity. The Indians of Maine were no stranger to the "good cheer" of the French. Lescarbot, in his "History of New France" (1612), reviewing his experiences at Port Royal during the winter of 1606-07, states that every white man in the colony was served with three pints of wine daily. The 15 gentlemen of the colony, sat at one table, as a brotherhood, or fraternity, "L'Ordre de Bon-Temps." To their table daily came an old Indian chief, Membertou. Each evening a new Grand master would be appointed, and pledged "in a cup of wine." They took pleasure in the redskin's companionship, until he became too importunate. His tribe lived in a palisaded village near Port Royal, and he "proved himself a sturdy beggar," writes Parkman, "pursuing Poutrincourt with daily petitions--now for a bushel of beans, now for a basket of bread, and now for a barrel of wine to regale his greasy crew"--See Lescarbot's "History of new France.' II, 581' and Parkman's "pioneers of France in the New World," p. 207.

After the Indians had recovered from their fright, and found that the white visitors meant them no harm, they in several way tried to show how highly they esteemed Hudson. But, as the exploration had been followed to its end, the time for departure had come. On September 23, therefore, friendly farewells were exchanged, and the "Half Moon" went down the river. A few days later, they were within a few miles of Catskill, where they had "first found loving people.' "the old man that had lyen aboord of us at the other place," presumably he who had imbibed too copiously of the strong water, now came up the river to meet them, accompanied by another old man. They brought gifts for Hudson, and seemed to offer him the freedom of their country, if not the country itself. Undoubtedly, the up-river Indians were well-disposed toward the white men.

The "Half Moon" was at the entrance of the Highlands on the 28th. With Storm King and Breakneck, looming high and forbidding before them, and a narrow channel with eddying wings ahead of the,., Hudson wisely lingered in Newburgh Bay for two days, until the strength of the wind had grown less. They thought that the spot was "a very pleasant place to build a town on." On October 1, the wind changed, and the ship ran without mishap through the channel of the Highlands. After covering 21 miles, they hove to in Haverstraw Bay. They were scarcely riding at anchor before :the people of the mountains," came flocking aboard. All of them were probably curious, but most were friendly, and, perhaps, had no pilfering intent, but all men do not think alike and all human groups hold a small percentage of meanness. It now showed in the endeavor of one savage to slip through a cabin window with "a pillow and two shirts and two bandeleers." The mate of the "Half Moon" detected the thief, and at once shot him in the breast, killing him. The time for explanation had now passed. The Indians were aroused; so also were the crew of the "Half Moon." Manning the ship's boats, the crew began a general pursuit, recovered the booty, and lopped off the hand of an Indian who had grasped the gunwale of one of the boats as he swam. Thus, two lives were paid for what might have been speedily adjusted without bloodshed had the mate reported the theft to the Indian chief.

Possibly this affray had no connection what ever with that which developed next day. As the yacht reached Manhattan, the strong incoming tide and a light wind compelled Hudson to anchor. He had hardly done so before Indians approached. In one canoe was one of the Indians who had been held by Hudson as hostage. Apparently, he was bent on revenge, but Hudson, "perceiving their intent," would not permit them to board the ship. Two canoes, filled with armed Indians, then put off from the shore, and came under the stern of the "Half Moon." They shot a flight of arrows into the ship, but no harm was done. But the return volley from half a dozen muskets was deadly, and the canoes sheered off. Soon, however,, an attack developed from the shore. More than a hundred warriors gathered on "a point of land" near the upper end of Manhattan island, and from that vantage-point showered the ship with arrows which, however, fell harmlessly beyond or on the ship. The ship's falcon (cannon) was then trained on the point and was fired by Juet. The shot is said to have killed two of the warriors. At all events, the Indians scampered to cover, but there was no such consternation among them as there had been among the Iroquois a few months earlier when Champlain let loose his "lightning." After a while, the savages returned to the attack, a canoe being manned. Another well-aimed shot from the falcon hit the canoe, which sank; and the day was won when the Dutch poured a volley of musketry into the Indians as they struggled in the water.

The Indians seem to have accepted defeat, for they did not again molest the ship, and, with the turn of the tide, the "half Moon" moved on six miles, coming to anchor off "a cliff that looked of the color of white green." They apparently were opposite Hoboken, "on that side of the river that is called Mannahata," writes Juet.

The night was stormy and the next day also, so that the "Half Moon" was wind-bound in this spot. On October 4, Hudson weighed anchor for the last time in New York waters, and, just a month after his entry, passed out to sea.

Hudson had a conference with his "company,' and found them to be "of various minds." As to what should be their course. At best, it was a motley crew, unmanageable, inharmonious, otherwise, "they would have accomplished more," the mate wished to winter in Newfoundland, going northward in the spring to explore the northwest passage through Davis' Strait, but the men had lately begun to "threaten" Hudson "savagely," if they were not taken home. So, after leaving Sandy Hook, the course was set "straight across the ocean,' and on the seventh of November, 1609, the "Half Moon" arrived safely at Dartmouth, England.

Hudson had planned to lie here until his employers, the Dutch East India Company, decided whether he should again go inquest of the Northeast or Northwest passage. The crew did not demur, so he sent report at once to Amsterdam, and intended to follow this up personally as soon as possible. Politics, however, now intervened to destroy all his plans. Even a casual study of the history of exploration and navigation during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries will show the student that navigators frequently entered foreign service; yet the English government now took umbrage at the sailing of an Englishman in Dutch service. Possibly, they knew where Hudson had been and, probably, they knew him to be too experienced an explorer to be permitted to benefit any other national than his own. At all events, they prevented him and his ship from leaving England. In January, 1610, Hudson was about to take the "Half Moon" out of Dartmouth, bound for Holland, in response to instructions received from Amsterdam, when the English authorities took action. They detained both Hudson and the "half Moon." Hudson was forbidden to leave England, and emphatically reminded that he and the Englishmen on his vessel "owed their services to their own nation."

Hudson promptly entered British service, sailing for a company, newly-formed, under the auspices of the Muscovy Company. He departed in the spring of 1610, on the voyage from which he never returned. #76 The "Half Moon" seemed likely to be confiscated, but diplomatic exchanges effected its release, and the historic ship was delivered to its owners in Amsterdam, in July, 1610.#77

So ended the memorable voyage. Hudson had not found the Northwest Passage, but, in penetrating the interior of New York, the Broad prow of the "Half Moon" had, we it were, made a clear channel along which civilization might travel, and from which it might spread over what Hudson thought to be "as beautiful a land as the foot of man can tread upon." Hudson had opened the book of New York, had described its beauty, had shown its wealth, had seen as no other explorer before him had seen, the boundless possibilities of a region that now yields sustenance, in amplitude, to more than 11,000,000 of Americans. Though he was destined never again to gaze upon the "Rhine of America," he had amply served mankind in this one effort. He had brought before the notice of Europe the strong, healthy, virile heart of America, had shown the New World to be not a stretch of bleak frigidity or miasmal swamp, as most of the exploration north and south up to this time had led the average European to picture, but a country of sweet grass and goodly oaks, of rich meadows and noble timber, of delightful climate--in fact, homeland equal to the most desirable that Europe possessed.

Dutch eyes, somewhat blinded by the crustation of commercialism, could not see what Hudson had. They could see only that furs which only the wealthiest of Europeans could afford were to be had for "trifles" at the head of navigation of the "River of the Mountains." The sturdy American oaks, a few of which Hudson had felled and take home, may have appealed to this nation of shipbuilders, but they saw no lesson in the bounteous yield of grain--"enough to load three ships, besides what was growing in the fields"--which Hudson had seen when he visited a little village of only 57 Indians. All told, the voyage of the "half Moon" was disappointing to the Dutch East India Company for, as a matter of fact, they could not in any event profit by Hudson's work. He had been exploring beyond the territorial bounds of the Trading Company. The Atlantic Ocean was a closed water to them. The only pleasure and profit they, as a corporation, could have found in Hudson's northwestern endeavors would have begun when, and not before, he had reached the Pacific. Its regional waters were east of the Cape of Good Hope and west of the Straits of Magellan. So the Dutch East India Company had, perforce, to close the Hudson account, as an irrecoverable expenditure.

There were others who sought, with alacrity, to profit by the Hudson reports. In their private capacities, the Amsterdam merchants who were directors of the East India Company had, even before the arrival of the "Half Moon," fitted out another vessel; and the mate of Hudson's ship was offered and accepted the command of it. Soon after the "Half Moon" reached Amsterdam, therefore, this other vessel sailed westward, its crew being recruited from that of the "Half Moon." Its destination was the "River of the Mountains," or the "Mauritius"--by which name the Dutch soon came to now the river, so named in honor of their Stadtholder, Prince Maurice, of Nassau. #78

But its only mission was trading. The merchants wanted peltries, not territory; and the States General, apparently, were not then able to take official cognizance of even trading efforts in that direction--the truce with Spain being yet too valuable a possession to violate. The trading vessel seems to have reached New York waters, and perhaps went on to the head of navigation, for at no other place does it seem that Hudson's men had bartered with the Indians for peltries. The records reads: "When the sailors who had first come out in the "Half Moon" saw their Indian friends for the second time, their persons wee adorned with ax-heads and shovel-blades, given in payment for furs." #79

In 1611, Hendrick Christiaensen, of Cleef (Cleves), while on the homeward voyage from the West Indies, "found himself in the neighborhood of the newly-discovered river," having probably been blown out of his course by contrary winds. He did not venture into the river, because his ship was already heavily laden, and because he remembered "that a ship from Monichendam, in North Holland had been cast away on that coast"; but he had evidently seen or heard sufficient to induce him, upon arrival in Holland, to join company with another skipper, Adrian block, in chartering a ship, "with the schipper Ryser," for a voyage to the new land. He "accomplished his voyage thither, bringing back with him two sons of the chiefs there." #80 This was, presumably, in 1611; and, as Christiaensen was a few years later murdered in the trading-post at the head of navigation by one of the kidnapped Indians, it might be inferred that Christiaensen also ascended the river, to trade, on his 1611 visit.

The presence of the two savage in Holland drew the attention of the public to the New World, and especially "awakened enterprise" among the Dutch merchants. "Several merchants and inhabitants of the United Provinces," in September, 1611, presented memorials to the Provincial State of Holland and West Friesland for information regarding the newly-discovered land. The merchants of Rotterdam, Hoorn and Enkhuizen objected to the secrecy of the merchants of Amsterdam, who were directors of the East India Company. So upon appeal to the legislature, the deputies of the cities named were furnished with "precise information and official charts, so that they might despatch vessels thither." The same information was given to other mechanist of Amsterdam.

For the next two yeas, the seas were open, enterprise was active, and there probably were many unrecorded voyage to New York water from these rival cities of the Netherlands. We know that three merchants of Amsterdam, one a director of the East India company, equipped two ships, the "Fortune" and the "Tiger," the captains whereof were Christiaensen and Block, respectively, and in 1612 "despatched them to the island of Manhattan, to renew and continue their traffic with the savages along the Mauritius River." In 1613, other merchants of North Holland came into the record. The "Little Fox," #81 under Captain John de Witt, and the "Nightingale," under Captain Thys Volchertsen, were fitted out by the Witsens and other prominent merchants of Amsterdam. The owners of the ship "Fortuyn," of Hoorn, despatched their vessel " in charge of Captain Cornelis Jacobsen May, to participate in the enterprise of their metropolitan friends, on the Mauritius River." these five ships of this group of merchants constituted the principal trading enterprise conducted at this period with the Indians of New York. In 1613, all these ships were in New York waters, it seems; and all, with the exception of one ship, returned to Holland, "freighted with large cargoes of valuable furs."

It seems that these associated merchants had resolved to establish a permanent trading post, or center, on Manhattan Island, recognizing it, "by common consent, as the proper point whence the furs collected in the interior could be most readily shipped to Holland." Evidently, it had been planned t leave a permanent staff at this post, and to establish inland depots. As there were no cattle on Manhattan Island, the ship-owners gave to Christiaensen, to take "along with him, in one of his voyage, a few goats and rabbits to multiply at Manhattan," but they did not thrive. In 1613, Christiaensen made plans to winter in New York waters. Whether he would have wintered onboard his ship, or ashore, cannot be determined, but misfortune at least hastened his decision. In the autumn of 1613, as Captain block was about to sail, heavily laden with valuable furs, his vessel, the "Tiger," accidentally took fire and was burned to a useless wreck." "the Indians kindly offered to shelter of wigwams to the Dutchmen, but the, regarding them too frail to keep out the winds and snows, built for themselves rude log huts where the warehouses of Beaver Street now stand." #82

It is said that the first "few rude hovels on Manhattan Island. . . . . . the original of New York City," were built in 1610, as a temporary shelter for the sailors. #83 If such huts were standing in 1613, the Indians would hardly have offered Captain Block's men the shelter of their wigwams. So we may presume that the warehouses erected in 1613 were to serve the double purpose of trading-post and temporary habitation for the crew of the "Tiger." Captain Block found occupation for his crew during the winter in building another ship, and before spring the sturdy oaks of Manhattan Island, provided him with a trim-built and staunch yacht of 16 tons. This, the first ship built by Europeans in New York waters, was named the "Onrust" (Restless). It did not belie its name.

If the English records may be relied upon--Brodhead shows quite a number of good reason why they should not, in this instance,--#84 the little group of Dutch traders who were wintering on Manhattan in 1613 were considerably embarrassed by the sudden appearance of an English armed ship, in November, and by the demand of its commander, Samuel Argall, that the Dutch pay tribute to the English colony of Virginia for use of the land which, he said, belonged to England. AS Wilson #85 describes the occasion: "A visit of startling import was made to Manhattan island in November, 1613, when an armed and strongly manned English ship sailed up into the bay. On beholding the trading-camp in the midst of a wilderness, the Englishmen were greatly surprised; but upon finding that the traders were of the rival nation of the Dutch, their surprise change to wrath. On the basis of John Cabot's view of so much of the continent of North America as he could gain from the deck of his ship in 1497, the English claimed all of that continent north of Florida as their own. The commander of the vessel now before Christiaensen's trading-post, Captain Samuel Argall, had just been engaged in an exploit which had given practical effect to this claim (then follows a description of Argall's attack upon the French settlement of Port Royal) . . . . .on November 9, 1613, the ships left Nova Scotia on their return voyage. A storm scattered the vessels; one foundered in mid-ocean; a second was driven to the Azores, whence it returned to England; while the third, bearing Captain Angall himself, was forced to seek shelter in our bay. If the French could not be tolerated, on what was claimed as English territory, neither could the Dutch. The alternative of destruction or tribute being placed before the handful of traders the latter was naturally chosen, and Argall could depart with the satisfaction of having made an additional conquest, and thereby once more vindicating his country's title to this portion of America."

 

The History of New York State, Lewis Historical Publishing Company, Inc., 1927

This book is owned by Pam Rietsch and is a part of the Mardos Memorial Library

Transcribed by Holice B. Young

HTML by Debbie Axtman

You are the [an error occurred while processing this directive] Visitor to this USGenNet Safe-Site™ Since September 5, 2004.

2002

[Index][AHGP]