The History of New York State
Editor, Dr. James Sullivan
Online Edition by Holice, Deb & Pam
|Never again would he be able
to lampoon the little man from Kinderhook. He was only forty-seven years
old when death came, but in his brief but brilliant public career,
William W. Van Ness had "written his name high up on the roll of
New York statesmen."
The circuit courts, one in each senatorial district, came into existence in April, 1823, with the appointment of Ogden Edwards, Samuel R. Betts, William A. Duer, Reuben H. Walworth, Nathan Williams, Samuel Nelson, Enos T. Throop and William B. Rochester to the respective circuit judgeships of the nine districts. It was confidently expected that this new circuit court system would purge the judiciary, to some extent, of politics. Certainly, the justices of the Supreme Court would be shorn of some of the prestige that came to them in their somewhat impressive tours on judicial circuit duty.
Van Buren and His Junto--Yates might have gone forward tamely to another term as Governor, or to some other important political office in State or Nation had he not shown belated stubbornness in opposing Presidential plans. William H. Crawford, then Secretary of the Treasury; John Quincy Adams, then Secretary of State; and Henry Clay, then Speaker if Congress, were the leading aspirants to presidential office.
Crawford was favored by Van Buren and the Albany Regency; Adams was preferred by James Tallmadge, Henry Wheaton, Thurlow Weed and others; and several New York leaders, including Samuel Young and Peter B. porter were actively behind Clay. Governor Yates was approached by those who wished to make the way of Crawford harder. They wished Yates to favor a change in the law providing for the choice of Presidential electors by the people, for it was generally seen that the naming of Crawford electors by the legislature would control the election. Yates opposed the change, and the opponents of Crawford met it by forming what they called the People's party, which in reality of course was only a faction of the Republican party, although the latter showed ominous signs of disintegrating. The People's party candidates for the Legislature in New York were, in some cases, elected by overwhelming majorities. Tallmadge and Wheaton came into the Assembly in this way. They were a couple of stormy petrels in the House during the next session, Wheaton--who is best known for his masterly "Elements of International Law," published in 1836--vigorously supporting Tallmadge in the debates over the choice of electors by the people. But Yates could not be shaken from the Regency. The bill, by the thundering of Tallmadge and Wheaton, did gain a majority of the House of Assembly, but in the Senate, Crawford advocates defeated, or "postponed" it by a vote of seventeen to fourteen. Yates had tried to evade direct expression, but finally said that as Congress was likely soon to move to amend the constitution, he thought that the proposed change of State law as to presidential electors might be postponed. Of course, no politician was deluded by this message; even the most ignorant of political students knew that constitutional amendments come slowly. The next President would be in office long before the amendment had found favor in the requisite number of States. So Yates' message made clear his object, and was pronounced to be "a shabby dodge."
Of course the people were not long inlaying the blame for the defeat of the measure upon the Bucktails. The newspapers denounced the Van Buren leaders as "traitors, villains, and rascals"; and the voters felt the defeat so keenly that most of the Senators who voted against the measure passed our of public life at the end of that term. DeWitt Clinton was encouraged to write to his Washington correspondent, Henry Post, on February 17, 1824, as follows: "The impression here is that Van Buren and his junto are politically dead." He was rash enough to add: "The impression will produce the event."
It was a most opportune moment at which to decide upon candidates for the Governorship. Yates of course had to be considered for re-nomination; and, as a faithful servant of the Regency, he could hardly be denied. Yet there were many who saw that even if re-nominated, he would not be further rewarded, for Yates' chance of re-election was slight.
Of course there were some who felt that if Yates must go down to defeat, the party should go down with him. "If the Governor is to be sacrificed for his fidelity," declared Flagg, "I am read to suffer with him." A noble sentiment like this was somewhat out of place in the deliberation of politicians who have any desire to cling to political life. In the game of politics, loyalty escapes by the window at the very moment that defeat crosses the portal. Victory holds the monopoly of living languages; defeat speaks a dead language that the practical political has no use for. Altruists like Flagg might be willing to lend an ear tot he echoes of the past, and not resist being drawn into cloistered shade while communing with the spirits of bygone days; but the shades of night chill those who strive to live always in the bright sunlight of public favor. So, when Regency Republicans saw that Yates had little chance of re-election, and that Samuel Young would be nominated by the People's Party unless forestalled by the Republicans, the legislators who went into caucus on April 3, 1824, had thoughts that were running more actively toward Young then toward Yates. The friends of Van Buren were willing to throw over Yates in favor of Young, with Erastus Root as "running mate" with the latter.
There were some interesting developments, one of the most interesting occurring only three days after the Legislators caucused. Then the supporters of John Quincy Adams decided upon a procedure which opened the door of a new political era. They decided to call a State convention, as large as the Assembly membership, but consisting of delegates chosen by the people opposed to William H. Crawford for President and in favor of restoring the choice of Presidential electors to the people. This convention, in other words, was to be opposed to Van Buren and the Regency, and the candidate it would nominate would be acclaimed as more than the choice of the People's party--he would be the choice of the people.
Of the 122 delegates chosen for the state convention, about one-fourth were of the People's party, pledged to vote for Tallmadge for Governor. But since April, when Tallmadge had been made the choice of the People's party, his chance of becoming the choice of the convention had been very greatly weakened by crafty political maneuvering of Regency leaders. The Van Buren leaders knew well that Tallmadge hated Clinton, and that, given the opportunity, he would be inclined to move most emphatically against the great canal builder. Wit this possibility before them, the Regency, in order to make surer the election of Samuel Young, resolved to try a subtle way of dividing Tallmadge's party.
Clinton was one of the central figures of the scheme. He, it seemed, was not following the State contest very keenly. He had declared for Andrew Jackson for President, but seemed content, for the present, to confine his State activities to the canal project. If DeWitt Clinton, in his other activities, had not merited general esteem, there is no doubt that he had grown great in this canal endeavor. By common testimony, he was "the great inspiring force" of the undertaking--the most stupendous public works enterprise yet conceived in America. Under his dominating spirit the canal building had gone forward with uniform success at surprising speed for some years. Within a year, it was expected that the crowning achievement would come--the meeting of Erie's waves with the salted sea. But now, the Regency leaders would throw caution to the winds and, for political reason, take away from Clinton his commissionership.
At first thought it would seem that such a proceeding would react at once against the Regency. True, they dominated the legislative houses, and could easily pass such a measure; but that was not all. It would seem that they would still have to explain to the people the seemingly inexplicable--the removal of an official against whom no fault could be found in this connection, but whose work, on the contrary, was efficient and successful t a superlative degree. The Van Buren psychology, however, pointed to a different ending of their maneuver. If Tallmadge, in the Assembly, should vote for the removal of Clinton, the public indignation would be showered heaviest upon him, they thought. Certainly, theirown candidate for Governor could not be brought into the storm, inasmuch as he, Samuel Young, having no seat in either house, could have had no part in the removal of Clinton.
The Regency leaders were shrewd strategists. They of course knew that they would not altogether escape the storm, but even a few casualties would not turn their overwhelming victory of the last election into a minority representation in the next Legislature; and they wanted to be sure of also having the Governor on their side. An exasperated public could no doubt sting, but they were of strong constitution, and could bear a few stings without losing their grip of the Legislature. Tallmadge, however, was of weaker physique. He would probably succumb.
Such an ending the Regency leaders planned; they did not seem to think of the reaction that would bring a much stronger man than Tallmadge to block their way. So they went their subtle way. The scheme was presented in the Senate, and only three Senators voted to retain Canal Commission Clinton. The measure was before the Assembly almost before the average Legislator had realized that such an audacious infamy could be even conceived, and long before they could marshal forces in opposition. Thurlow Weed had witnessed the proceedings in the Senate, and had been one of the few who grasped the underlying true motive. He rushed to the Assembly chamber to warn his friend, General Tallmadge. In his autobiography, Weed points out how frantically he implored Tallmadge "not to be caught in the trap thus baited for him." He wanted him to denounce, "as a vandalism to which he would not consent to be a party" the attempt of politicians to remove an official "during the successful progress of a system of improvement which he had inaugurated and which would confer prosperity and wealth upon the people and enrich and elevate our State." Weed warned his friend that if he voted for the resolution to remove Clinton, he might as well give up all hope of becoming Governor.
But Tallmadge's hatred of Clinton outweighed his prudence. He said nothing to weaken the move against Clinton. Only one Assemblyman gave emphatic voice to his opinion. Mr. Henry Cunningham of Montgomery, declared: "When the miserable party strifes shall have passed by; when the political jugglers who now beleaguer this capital shall be overwhelmed and forgotten; when the gentle breeze shall pass over the tomb of that great man, carrying with it the just tribute of honour and praise which is now withheld, the pen of the future historian will do him justice and erect to his memory a monument of fame as imperishable as the splendid works that owe their origin to his genius and perseverance." #7 Nevertheless, the resolution brought "aye" from sixty-four Assemblymen, and "no" from only thirty-four; and among the ayes was Tallmadge.
DeWitt Clinton Supreme--Then the tornado came upon them. "Had Clinton been assassinated, the news could not have produced a greater shock." Citizens of Albany rushed into the Assembly chamber and gave emphatic utterance to their opinion of the Legislature. Throughout the State, angry groups formed. Legislators were hissed as they came out of the Capitol. Rebukes followed Tallmadge even to his apartment, and he realized then, when too late, "the depth and the darkness of the political pit into which he had fallen."
Friends of Clinton at once began to clamor for his nomination for the Governorship; and very many who were not his friends added to the clamor. The demand for the punishment of those who had so far departed from the principles of honor and fair play in their desire to gain their political ends became so general that Clinton was able to inform his friend Post, on April 21, that Tallmadge's chances of the Governorship had forever passed. He "can scarcely get a vote in his own county," wrote Clinton. He termed Tallmadge "the prince of rascals--if Wheaton does not exceed him."
Of course time is the most impartial analyst. Cunningham's opinion of Clinton's place among immortals was based on the monumental canal works that were before his vision, as testimony to the public service of the "ditch digger." He did not know that time would eventually have other gauges--for instance, railways--with which to more accurately measure the value of the Clinton creation. Clinton's opinion of Tallmadge was not necessarily the truth as to him; Clinton was apt to express his opinion in superlatives, when crossed; and time, both before and after the unfortunate 1824 legislative voting, could prove that General Tallmadge was not a rascal.
Time also may be relied upon to punish meanness. The disloyalty of the Regency to the Governor who had stood by them brought the Governor into opposition. At least, Yates objected to being thrust aside, and resolved to fight for himself. He had served the Regency in checking passage of an electoral law. Now, he realized that he had blundered. To admit his fault was courageous; to attempt to remedy his fault by calling an extra session of the Legislature to pass an electoral law called for greater courage than the Regency imagined that Yates possessed. Yet he did it, the Legislature reconvening for the purpose on August 2.
This decisive action did no one any good. Yates, who thought that his courageous endeavor to correct his former blunder might draw to his side a strong following of those who disliked Clinton and were annoyed with Tallmadge, and so might gain for him nomination as candidate of the People's party, was doomed to disappointment. He stirred no sentiment in favor of himself, and only succeeded in annoying the Regency. The extra session lasted four days.
During the next month the sentiment for Clinton became so strong that Weed, who had been feeling the pulse of the State delegates, knew that it would beat only faintly for Tallmadge in the Utica convention. Some days before it opened, he urged Tallmadge to take second place to Clinton. This the General would not do until it was suggested that the elections of Adams, as President, might "open to him a broader field of usefulness than that of being Governor." So, when Weed left for Utica he carried with him a letter from Tallmadge consenting to stand second to Clinton.
When the convention opened, the People's party showed solidarity for Tallmadge; and, had he not voted to remove Clinton as canal commissioner, the convention might have been won for him, even over Clinton. But this slip now took on a sinister vindictiveness, and his supporters, who represented about one-fourth of the convention, found that their efforts to further his cause was hopeless. Finally, Clinton was given the nomination by a large majority, and Tallmadge was nominated for the Lieutenant-Governor by acclamation. So the forces that opposed Van Buren and his Albany Regency marshaled their strength.
The contest for Governor was therefore between DeWitt Clinton and Samuel Young. Both were striking personalities. Both had ready command of violent utterance, and neither held back the harsh word out of considerations of gentlemanliness. Clinton lacked the oratorical gift of Young but his outspoken thoughts were just as effective. Young's speeches were enjoyed and those of Clinton appreciated. But Young soon realized that he would have to pay for the indiscretions of the Regency. The latter had succeeded in killing the chances of Tallmadge, but in using Clinton as ammunition against Tallmadge they had picked up a boomerang. Clinton was elected by a majority of more then 16,000, and Tallmadge received 32,000 more votes than Erastus Root, for Lieutenant-Governor. Of the right Senators who were to be elected, only two Regency men were able to breast the tidal wave that swept the Regency out of power. Not even the most visionary prophet of the Peoples' party could have foreseen so sweeping a victory over the Van Burenites. In the next Assembly, he Regency was in a minority by three to one.
Once again DeWitt Clinton had been vindicated. Once again he controlled the State. It was perhaps his greatest triumph, for it brought to his support a following more genuinely enthusiastic, more fervently loyal than any of his supports of earlier days. DeWitt Clinton, the imperious, domineering "boss," the intolerant, ambitious politician, the selfish, all-embracing office holder, was not seen in this campaign; the people only saw Clinton, the canal-builder. Next year was to be the great opening year of the Grand Canal, and it was but fitting that the man who had carried the stupendous enterprise through so heroically, so unselfishly, should be at the head of the State in this auspicious year.
New York Elects a President--Clinton come into the Presidential campaign in only a minor, indirect way. In this exciting matter of electing a President, the eyes of the whole country were destined to rest upon New York State. As to New York's quota of Presidential electors, Van Buren and his colleagues were quietly confident that Crawford would benefit most, inasmuch as the Legislature which was to meet in November to choose electors was the old Legislature in which the Regency had had such an overwhelming majority. After the struggle was over, Van Buren had dolefully to recognize that he had been outmatched in political strategy by a newcomer. Thurlow Weed, who up to now had not taken the role of leader but rather that of adviser, took firm direction of the intricate maneuvering of legislative forces, and did not disclose his plans until it was too late for the Regency to use its power to circumvent them. The first ballot in the Senate showed seventeen votes for Crawford, and seven each for John Quincy Adams and Henry Clay. In the Assembly, the first ballot gave Crawford forty-three, Adams fifty, and Clay thirty-two. This was quite satisfactory to the Regency leaders, who felt sure that the next balloting would draw to Crawford enough of the Clay votes to give the former a majority over the others. Thurlow Weed now began to enfilade the Crawford position, and it was not until Lieutenant-Governor Root drew a union (Adams-Clay) ticket from the ballot box that he, and the Regency, realized that something quite unforeseen had happened. Weed had persuaded the Clay men to support Adams; but with all the Clay votes he would have only a majority of two more than Adams would need; so there was need for secrecy. To insure this, Weed, who was a printer, personally printed the ballots. When Root, after the balloting, pulled the first union ballot out he gasped: "A printed split ticket.' Senator Keyes jumped to his feet, shouting "Treason, by God!" the Crawford group had counted upon getting the Clay votes for their own candidate, and could not look upon their alignment with Adams forces as anything else than dastardly. There was confusion for a moment; indeed, it seemed likely that Root would have vacated the chair and retired with the Senators, had not James Tallmadge brought them to a proper sense of their constitutional responsibilities. He called for order. "I demand, under the authority of the Constitution of the United States," he said, "under the Constitution of the State of New York, in the name of the whole American people, that this joint meeting of the two houses of the Legislature shall be interrupted in the discharge of a high duty and a sacred trust." This brought the bewildered Crawford men back to their seats, and the count proceeded.
So it happened that New York did not send a wholly Crawford delegation to the Electoral College. The electoral vote of New York was divided among four candidates, Adams receiving twenty-six, Crawford five, Clay four, and Jackson one. In the Nation, Jackson received a plurality though not a majority of the popular vote, but no candidate was given a majority of the Electoral College for the Presidency, though a large majority was given to Adams over Crawford and Clay. The election was thus thrown into Congress, and the Representatives were to choose the President from among Jackson, Adams and Crawford. This is the order in which they had come in the Electoral College voting, but not on had received the requisite clear majority over all the other candidates. Congress would have now to vote by States, each State having only one vote, said vote being given to the candidate who was favored by a majority of the Congressmen of the State. New York was the doubtful State. Adams could count on twelve States, whereas he needed thirteen to win. New York's vote would make the necessary thirteen, but New York had thirty-four Congressmen, only seventeen of whom were sure to vote for Adams. One vote, that of Stephen Van Rensselaer, was doubtful. If it should be given against Adams, it would tie the New York vote, and so exclude it from the State count. Thus a second ballot, by States, would have to be taken, with the possibility that Adams would fare worse. So the vote of Stephen Van Rensselaer was all important; in reality it controlled the presidential election. Fortunately, Van Rensselaer, "the last of the patroons," was a gentleman of the true type, one who could let no material consideration dictate to this conscience. To him honor was above price. He admired Clinton and was made aware that the choice of Jackson would make Clinton "the supreme dispenser of Federal patronage" in New York, but Van Rensselaer would let no man or party know his mind. He might have forced almost any bargain for himself--a cabinet office, for instance; but he made no move until the day of balloting; and then he quietly sat with the New York delegation and cast his vote for Adams, thus making New York's vote valid, and giving John Quincy Adams the Presidency, at the first ballot.
The Master Politician--So Van Buren suffered two defeats. He had staked much on Samuel Young, and more on Crawford; and he has lost both the Governorship and the Presidency. In his own State, his star was certainly not ascendant at that moment. The Regency seemed to have bower to time and to have handed over, or been dispossessed of, the reins of government. Clinton, now more of a statesman than a politician, a commanding personality even among strong men, held them. In his giving was the State patronage. A new party alignment--that which had so shattered the Regency in the Presidential plans--seemed more formidable than it actually was, because the Van Burenites did not more than vaguely know whose was the strong hand that had directed it. a fast-growing weed had taken deep root in Van Buren's garden threatening to give him no rest from labor if he would save even part of his garden. Only once did Van Buren see Thurlow weed, and that once was not until his political career was ended; but there were many occasions upon which the Kinderhook statesman must have either regretted that Weed was not his colleague or admired him even as an enemy.
Still, rebuffs are as activating, if not as exhilarating, as victory to me of strong will. Van Buren expected his star, when quite ascendant, to be seen by more than his home State; he thought, perhaps, that its brightness might at some time dazzle the Nation. At all events, in this time of obscured skies, he groped for a national vantage point at which to anchor awaiting clearer skies, and, in this survey, he took a hint from the log of DeWitt Clinton, who had supported Jackson. Crawford had been but a comet and had passed. Adams would be in the firmament for four years, and then--was not General Jackson the coming man? In the Electoral College Jackson had received ninety-nine votes, while Adams had had only eighty-four. If only New York could be brought into line with Pennsylvania in 1828, in favor of Jackson, the general would be the next President.
Van Buren had set his course even before the inauguration of Adams, in 1825, and from that time, he as the most powerful Senator in opposition. Showing the astuteness of a great parliamentary leader, he gradually brought a new party into National politics. Wit him were Senators from Pennsylvania, Maine, New Hampshire, New Jersey, Illinois, and a Southern group. While always courteous and dignified, he was invariably in positive and convincing opposition. He thought that the Administration was more Federalistic than Republican; "he charged the Administration with returning to the practices of the Federalist party, to which Adams originally belonged, declaring that the Presidential choice of 1825 was not only the restoration of the men of 1798, but of the principles of that day; that the spirit of encroachment has become more wary, but not more honest; and that the system then had been coercion, now it was seduction. He classed the famous alien and sedition laws of the elder Adams with the bold avowal of the younger Adams that it belonged to the President alone to decide upon the propriety of a foreign mission." In many ways he made it clear that John Quincy Adams deserved no more considerate treatment from Republicans than his father had received. Inside and outside the Senate Van Buren pursued tactics of opposition which prompted men to think of him as unpatriotic--and worse. There were some who came to class him with Aaron Burr. Certainly, Van Buren, at this time when his back, so to speak, was to the wall, resorted to activities which men of scrupulous honor would avoid. He could not, or would not, see that anything done by the Adams administration merited anything but condemnation. His effort "to combine the discordant elements of the Crawford and Jackson and Calhoun men into a united opposition against the Administration" was so effective that Van Buren comes into history "as a party-maker in the second great division of parties in American." The Democratic party, as it later crystallized, owed more to Van Buren's struggles against personal political extinction at this period than is generally supposed.
In New York State politics, he worked warily. His tactics there followed more the burr "still-hunt" plan. While, in 1825, the drums were beating and trumpets were blaring the greatness of DeWitt Clinton, the canal builder, Van Buren's Regency leaders were quietly working John Quincy Adams, soon after inauguration, had offered Clinton the office of Minister to England, but Clinton had declined the honor, preferring to be at the head of the State, in this great canal year. Clinton, one would think, was quite pleased with the general situation of public affairs, and of his own prominent place in public affairs. He had triumphed over Tammany and the Albany Regency, and although he was really without a party, he had, with the people's help, torn down the political pillars of the strongest party-house that had yet been built in New York. Soon the crowning triumph, in the opening of the Grand Canal, would being him the acclamation of all New Yorkers, and the commendation of the world. So the future seemed likely to be roseate for Clinton. Rufus King went to England as Minister, and Clinton remained in the presiding chair in New York. While Clinton devoted himself to the final canal work and to preparations for the great day of opening, while he and his associates were happy and warm in the sunshine of common commendation of the public improvement they had engineered and happier still in anticipating the bouquets of eulogistic eloquence that would vie with salvoes of artillery in bringing to the notice of the State, nation, and world the greatness of Clinton and of his "ditch" the cohorts of Van Buren were quietly but incessantly working in the political ditches and subterranean ways throughout the State. Amid popular jubilation that seemed universal, and was undoubtedly genuine in New York State, the marriage of sea and lake took place on October 26, 1825, when the waters of Lake Erie were let into the Erie Canal, to flow through it into the Hudson River, and, with the waters of the latter, into the sea in New York Bay. The celebrations in connection therewith left little doubt as to the gratitude of New Yorkers toward Clinton. He seemed to be in their hearts for all time. Yet, so thoroughly had the Regency burrowed in the cross channels that by November much of the political force that had been built for Clinton in the Grand Canal had been sapped. The great festivities of the canal gala days were scarcely over before Clinton had to realize that popular demonstration of spontaneous joy are evanescent sometimes.The ebullition of public enthusiasm had placed Clinton upon a high pedestal in October; but, in early November the Governor was forced to realize that the pedestal was only a rickety, unstable eminence from which he must climb down to safer standing at once. The November elections, astonishing as it may seem, had returned the Regency to power; had given the Van Burenites a safe working majority in both Senate and Assembly.
Soon afterwards Van Buren took the next step in his well-devised plan to get properly into line with Andrew Jackson. So far as New York State went, Clinton had been Jackson's champion; and his word with Jackson would carry more weight then that of any other New Yorker. So Van Buren decided to reach Jackson through Clinton. Politics recognizes only one class--the powerful. Van Buren appreciated Clinton's influence with Jackson, and Clinton recognized how powerful Van Buren had once again become in New York politics. So it was natural that these two should lean toward each other, and that Clinton should see advantage in approving union of Clintonian and Bucktail Republicans under Regency guidance, after Van Buren's spokesman undertook that there should be no opposition by the Regency to the re-election of Clinton as governor in 1826.
The coalition was pleasingly successful during 1826, in the matter of State appointments, scarcely an incident arising to ruffle the spirit of harmony; but both leaders began to near the danger zone when the time for nominations for the Governorship came. The Clintonians re-nominated Clinton at Utica in September, but Van Buren's influence with the Bucktails was not strong enough to bring Clinton the Bucktail endorsement at their convention in October. So the sagacious Kinderhook tactician had to fall back on another way of fulfilling his compact. He favored the nomination, by the Bucktails, of Judge William B. Rochester, confident that the latter could stand no chance of election.
Rochester, however, proved to be a much more formidable candidate for the Governorship than either Clinton or Van Buren leaders thought possible. The situation was certainly complicated. Rochester was to all intents the Regency candidate, yet his election threatened to prove most disastrous to the Regency. It might possibly bring defeat also to Van Buren, who was standing for re-election as United States Senator. Though a Bucktail, Rochester was looked upon--with good reason--as a friend of Adams. He was favored by Adams and Clay, and, during the campaign, made cast inroads into Clintonians and Bucktail strength, which Clinton and Van Buren had hoped to align solidly, in time, with Jackson.
It was a critical time for Van Buren. He had hoped to keep national politics below the surface in this State election in an "off" year. Of course, he himself was steering for a national harbor, but he had hoped that the New York political navigators would not venture out of home waters. There were many experienced mariners, friendly to Adams, in New York, and many veteran sailors who had not forgotten certain incidents of earlier voyages with either Clinton or Van Buren. They looked with suspicion upon the union of these two political master mariners, and they had not yet come to see that Jackson represented what they understood to be republicanism. Peter Buell Porter was most actively supporting Rochester, and Van Buren himself had to so far veil his real motives as to declare for Rochester, but the well informed and shrewd knew that the Regency was not sincerely behind their candidate.
The History of New York State, Lewis Historical Publishing Company, Inc., 1927
This book is owned by Pam Rietsch and is a part of the Mardos Memorial Library
Transcribed by Holice B. Young
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