War History - War of 1812

CAUSES OF THE WAR.

THAT war was declared by the United States against Great Britain, in 1812, every adult reader probably knows. But there are doubtless many among the younger class of our people who do not know the causes of that war, nor its effects upon the early settlers of this county. They are thus briefly stated:

Great Britain and France had long been at war. In August, 1804, Great Britain, with a view to cripple the trade of France, declared certain ports of France in a state of blockade, by which the vessels of other nations were prohibited from entering her ports, except in certain cases. This order was followed, on the part of Napoleon, by a decree declaring the British islands in a state of blockade, and prohibiting all commerce with them. This was intended to stop trade between Great Britain and the continent, and applied also to American commerce.

Great Britain then issued another order, declaring in a state of blockade all ports and places belonging to France and her allies, from which the British flag was excluded, and all the colonies of his Britannic majesty's enemies. Only the direct trade between neutral countries and the colonies of his majesty's enemies was allowed. This measure so detrimental to neutral commerce, was followed by a still more sweeping one, on the part of France, declaring the British islands in a state of blockade, by sea and land; and every ship sailing from ports of England or her colonies, and proceeding to England or to her colonies, or to countries occupied by the English, to be lawful prize. And every ship which had submitted to search by an English ship, or had made a voyage to England, or paid any tax to that government, was declared denationalized, and lawful prize.

These measures were disastrous to American commerce, and unauthorized by the law of nations. To be lawful, a blockade must be maintained by a force stationed at the enemy's ports, sufficient to make it dangerous for vessels to enter. This had not been done by either party. Yet under these orders and decrees, or mere "paper blockades," as they were called, many American vessels, with their cargoes, were captured by the privateers and cruisers of the two belligerents, and condemned as prize.

But there was another grievance - the impressment of American seamen. Great Britain claimed the right to search our vessels on the high seas, and, if among the seamen any were found to be Englishmen, to impress them into her service. The claims of the two governments have been thus stated: "The government of the United States asserts the broad principle, that the flag of their merchant vessels shall protect the mariners. The privilege is claimed, although every person on board, except the captain, may be an alien. The British government asserts, that the allegiance of their subjects is inalienable, in time of war, and that their seamen, found on the sea, the common highway of nations, shall not be protected by the flag of private merchant vessels." This doctrine, it was said, was common to all the governments of Europe. France, as well as England, claimed, in time of war, the services of her subjects. Both, by decrees, forbid their entering into foreign employ; both recall them by proclamation.

Attempts to adjust the differences between the two countries by negotiation having failed, our government, on the i8th of June, 1812, declared war against Great Britain; and the British minister at Washington soon after took his departure, bearing a letter from our government to our representative at London, authorizing him to propose to the British government a suspension of hostilities with a view to an adjustment of all difficulties. At Halifax, on his way home, the British minister, [Mr. Foster,] received dispatches from his government, dated about the i7th of June, directed to him at Washington, but which he there opened, informing him of the intended revocation of the orders in council, to take effect on the ist of August. Presuming that it was the object of his government to prevent or stop hostilities, he sent the dispatches to Mr. Baker, secretary to the British legation, still at Washington, to be communicated to our government. And, leaving had a conversation at Halifax, with Vice-Admiral Sawyer, naval commander, and Sir John Sherbroke, lieutenant-governor, he was authorized by them to say to `1r. Baker, that the decisions of cases of capture of American vessels should be suspended. Our government, however, declined the proposition, preferring to await the result of the proposition sent by Mr. Foster to the British government.

It appears from the foregoing statement of affairs, that this triangular commercial warfare continued for many years before it brought us into a state of actual hostility to Great Britain. Many of our most patriotic citizens and statesmen believed that the differences between the two nations might have been settled, and probably would have been, without a resort to arms, and without a sacrifice of our national honor. But a majority of the people's representatives in Congress, who are by the constitution vested with the power to declare war, having thought it proper to exercise this power, the support of the war was alike the dictate of duty and of patriotism.

The Chautauqua county militia were among those who entered earliest into service in the war. In 1812, previous to the declaration of war, the militia was organized into one regiment, commanded by Col. John McMahan. In June, Col. M. received orders to detach from his regiment a full company to be in readiness to march at a minute's warning. The regiment was called together for a draft, when all volunteered, and no draft was made. This company was commanded by Capt. Jehiel Moore. The declaration was made a few days after, [June 18th] and the company ordered to march, and to rendezvous at Lewiston. Early in July, they joined the regiment there, [the 18th regiment of New York detached militia,] commanded by Col. Hugh W. Dobbin, of Geneva; Majors Burbank, of Genesee, and Morrison, of Niagara, and Adjutant Gerritt L. Dox, of Geneva.

Nothing particularly worthy of notice occurred until the battle of Queenston, on the 13th of October. The troops were called up at 3 o'clock in the morning, and marched to the river. As many as the boats would carry, crossed over before daylight. The boats returned, and the Chautauqua company embarked and crossed at the dawn of day. The movement was discovered by the enemy, and the cannon began to roar on both sides of the river. It was not yet quite light, and no enemy was visible; but a scattering fire was kept up from the bushes on the side hill, and from the road that leads to Queenston. A part of the Chautauqua company was ordered to scour the hill side, which was done, but without meeting any enemy: the firing, however, from that quarter ceased. In a description of the Queenston battle by an officer from this county, (probably David Eaton, of Portland,) is the following:

"On returning, we found that the troops had retreated to the very verge of the river, and all lay flat on the ground, so as to be protected by the bank from the fire of the enemy; and that Col. Van Rensselaer was wounded, and unable to remain on his feet. He lay on the ground with the officers standing around him, holding a council of war. It is believed there was, on that side, no officer unwounded, higher in rank than captain. Van Rensselaer told them to remain where they were; that we would soon be reenforced, and that some officer would be over to take the command. But neither officer nor reenforcement came. Our position was distinctly seen from this side; and as we had but just ground enough to lie upon, the militia, taking advantage of the `constitutional' doctrine that they could not be ordered beyond the territory of the United Mates, declined to come to our assistance. Having no hope of a reenforcement, Col. Van Rensselaer, still lying on the ground, said: `Parade your men, and go up and take that battery ! In a few minutes we were marching silently along the bank of the river, hid by the bank from the view of the enemy, but in full view of our friends on the opposite side.

"The battery was at about two-thirds of the distance from the base of the hill. Marching up the river until we were just within the great chasm of the Niagara, we found a path which wound its way up this stupendous precipice, so steep, in many places, as to render it necessary to pull ourselves up by taking hold of the bushes, which also served to conceal us from the enemy. When the front of the column had gained about two-thirds of the distance up the hill, it came to a small level spot, and halted, to give the center and rear a chance to close up. On arriving at this spot, We found those in front huddled promiscuously together; and the most of our company, which was near the center when the line was formed, happened to get on that side from which the path led off towards the top of the hill: so that, when the order was given to advance, our company, or at least a part of it, led the van; and the first Americans who set foot on Queenston Heights that day, were from Chautauqua. Our line was immediately formed along the bank, with this horrid chasm, nearly 200 feet deep, directly in its rear. When about 100 of our men had reached the Heights, we were discovered by the enemy; and the troops stationed in the battery sallied out, and attacked us. But at the second fire, they retreated to Queenston, and left us in possession of the battery. We mounted the works, Swung our hats, and nave three hearty cheers when lo: the boats were filled with troops who came over to our relief their 'constitutional' scruples having subsided on seeing us in possession of the enemy's works

"The enemy came on to the attack three times, and were as often repulsed. In the third attack I was wounded and retired to the rear. For about an hour the attack was not renewed; and our troops remained on the ground, reenforeements constantly arriving. At this time I recrossed the river. A few of our men recrossed the river during the day. Those who remained were made prisoners of war. They were, however, paroled the next day. There was but one act of downright cowardice in any one from this county, that came to my knowledge. As this was somewhat amusing, even amidst the carnage by which it was surrounded, I shall briefly relate it. As the men were wounded, they retired to the brink of the river, where they lay on the ground, waiting for the surgeon to dress their wounds. When the turn of Sergeant *** came, the surgeon inquired where his wound was. He answered only by a groan. The surgeon turned him over; no blood was to be seen, but he kept groaning. The surgeon supposing he was really wounded, unceremoniously uncoated and unpantalooned him, and examined his body all over; but not a scratch was found. The poor sergeant, finding himself exposed and roughly handled, muttered out, ` I'm sick. The surgeon then, with a contemptuous smile, turned to one who was really wounded, and left the redoubtable sergeant to adjust his costume at his leisure. In this battle, Nathaniel Rouen, of Villenova, was killed, and a Mr. Winsor died of wounds; David Eaton, Alpheus McIntyre, Erastus Taylor, and Alex. Kelley were wounded.

"Near the close of the year 1813, the militia of the county were called out, en masse, for the defense of Buffalo. They promptly turned out at the call. The regiment was commanded by Col. John McMahan. The events of the battle of Black Rock, and the burning of Buffalo, are too well known to need recapitulation. In the summer of 1814, the militia were again called out, en masse, and stationed below Black Rock, during the siege and storming of Fort Erie. They were not engaged in any battle, but almost every man was sick of ague and fever, either while on the line, or after their return home. A few died, among whom was Ensign Campbell Alexander, of Ripley."

BRITISH CRUISERS -- BATTLE of BLACK ROCK

During the war, our coast was infested with British cruisers with a view to plunder; and the people of the county were subjected to frequent alarms. This being a frontier county, with a coast of 40 miles exposed to the depredations of a powerful enemy, composed of trained British soldiers and their savage allies, these alarms were not causeless, indeed, several incursions were made by the British at different points in this county, but as often perhaps, with damage to themselves as to our inhabitants. Captain Harman, of Ashtabula, Ohio, passing up the lake, was driven into the mouth of Cattaraugus creek by the British brigs of war Queen Charlotte and Hunter, which fired a number of cannon shot, several of which were afterwards found on the shore. An express was sent to the Indians on the creek for help. They turned out in great numbers, and stationed themselves on both sides of the stream, well armed, anxious for the British to come ashore. Harman's boat escaped without injury. The British turned and went off, to the great disappointment of the Indians, but much to the satisfaction of the settlers.

Lay's house this side of Buffalo, was rifled by the British; but on the remonstrance of the American commander to the British, the goods were ordered to be restored. They were accordingly put on board the British Queen, an armed vessel of 10 or 12 guns, manned for the purpose, and carrying a lag of truce, and were sent to Chadwicks Bay, now Dunkirk. They were sent ashore in a boat with 13 men under the command of a lieutenant. On landing, twelve of the boat crew raised their caps and bade their commander adieu, and " quit the service, leaving the officer and a single sailor, a Frenchman, to return to the vessel. While they were parleying with the citizens resident at the place, the neighboring militia, whom a notice of the arrival had attracted to the spot, not observing the flag of truce, but having their attention principally directed to the red coats of the officer and his remaining sailor, fired upon them, and broke the leg of the latter. The officer offered a liberal reward to the citizens to row him and the Frenchman to the vessel. Failing to obtain assistance, he picked up the maimed man, and made the best of his way on board.

Newark, in Canada, having been burnt by the Americans, it was rumored that the British intended to retaliate by burning Buffalo. Having already taken Fort Niagara, the militia of this county was called out eel masse, in December, 1813, to repel any attack upon Buffalo. They constituted the 162d regiment, and numbered about 400; about 200 hundred of whom went under the command of Col. John McMahan and Majors Wm. Prendergast and Barnes. There were four companies, commanded by Captains John Silsby and Jehiel Moore, and lieutenants Wm. Forbes and Hale. There was also a company of Silver Greys, commanded by Capt. Hart. They were ordered to rendezvous at Buffalo, and were quartered in log huts a short distance eastward of the village. The militia there assembled numbered about 2,000 men, and were under the command of Gen. Hall. The British force detailed for the attack upon Buffalo consisted of about 1,500 regulars and 400 Indians, under Gen. Riall.

On the night of the 30th of December, about 12 o'clock, the American camp was alarmed by the receipt of intelligence that the enemy were crossing Niagara river at Black Rock. A portion of the militia was marched down to oppose their landing. The main body of the British had effected a landing at the mouth of Conjockity creek, a mile or more below the ferry. Efforts were made to prevent their progress, though with but partial success. The militia, who had proceeded to the ground, not in a body, but in detached parties, were easily routed by the disciplined troops of the enemy-, and driven back as fast they arrived on the scene of action.

The skirmishing continued during the greater part of the night, the firing of which was distinctly heard at Buffalo, where the Chautauqua regiment had remained, under arms, paraded in front of Pomeroy's tavern, as a reserve.

About four o'clock on the morning of the 31st, Col. McMMIahan's regiment was marched to Black Rock, and posted opposite the ferry, in the rear of the battery that had been erected at that point. Soon after daylight, six or seven boats, containing each fifty or sixty men, were seen to put off from the Canadian shore, with the evident intention of effecting a landing. A firing was kept tip by the battery at the ferry, and was returned from the opposite shore. One of the enemy's boats was struck by a cannon shot from the American side, and sunk with its hostile freight. About the break of day, the Chautauqua regiment was ordered to advance. They proceeded down the river nearly half a mile, and met the enemy in force near the residence of Gen. Porter. A sharp, though unequal contest ensued, when the militia broke and fled, as those who had preceded them had done. During the engagement, a part of the British force had passed up under the bank of the river, and taken post in the road leading from Buffalo to the ferry, with a view of cutting off the militia in their retreat. Escape by the avenue through which they had arrived being thus prevented, and pressed, as they were, by the advance of the enemy, they were compelled to take to the woods in the rear of the ferry for safety, through which many of the American force, including a portion of the Chautauqua regiment, fled precipitately; and such of them as escaped the rifle and tomahawk of the savages, who immediately filled the woods in pursuit, reached the main road at Buffalo and at various points for several miles to the eastward in the direction of Batavia. The largest portion of the whole force returned to their homes, among whom were the principal part of the Chautauqua militia. The remainder, who had survived, were afterwards quartered for several weeks at Miller's tavern, about two miles to the east of Buffalo. Towards noon of the 31st, the British set fire to Buffalo, and finally recrossed the river to Canada, the second or third day after that event.

The loss to this county was severe in proportion to the number engaged. James Brackett, a lawyer from Mayville, was killed and scalped by the Indians during the retreat from Black Rock. Joseph Frank, from Busti, Wm. Smiley, from Ellery, Ephraim Pease and John Lewis, from Pomfret, Aaron Nash, Bovee and Hubbard, from Hanover, and several others, were killed. Maj. Prendergast had a number of balls shot through his hat and clothes. Capt. Silsby was severely wounded, and Lieut. Forbes had one mean killed and five men wounded of the twenty-one under his command. The bodies of the killed which were found, were buried in a common grave near the road leading from Buffalo to Black Rock, into which eighty-nine were promiscuously thrown. Among these were the bodies of the Chautauqua militia. They were afterwards disinterred, and many of them claimed by their relatives, and taken home to be buried. The bodies of several others, who had been killed on their retreat through the woods, and scalped by the Indians, were found during the winter and spring, and committed to the earth.

To the foregoing sketch of military operations along the frontier of Western New York, by Judge Warren, he subjoins the following:

"At this period, the frontier presented a scene of desolation rarely witnessed. The inhabitants who had escaped the tomahawk, fled into the interior, in the depth of winter, without shelter or means of support, and subsisted on the charity of their friends. The panic was general, and pervaded this county, though in a degree somewhat less than in the section of country in the immediate vicinity of the point of attack. The only buildings remaining in Buffalo were the jail, which was built of stone, a small framed house, and an armorer's shop. All the houses and almost every building between Buffalo and Niagara Falls were destroyed, as were also many of those on the Batavia road, for several miles beyond Buffalo."

The following are names of the commissioned and non-commissioned officers of companies of Chautauqua militia, under the command of Col. Hugh W. Dobbin:

Capt. Moore's Company July 4 to October 4, 1812.

Captain --- Jehiel Moore. Lieut. - David Eaton. Ensign - Charles Burritt. Sergeants - Alpheus McIntyre, John Ingersoll, Samuel J. Smith, John Dull. Corporals - Amos Wright, Jonathan S. Pattison, Daniel Densmore. ..e fers - Arnold Russell, John Bate.

Capt..Moo:re's Company --- October 4 to Dec. 31, 1812. Captain--Jehiel Moore. Lient. - Samuel D. Wells. Ensin - Charles Burritt. Sergeants - Alpheus McIntyre, Asa Johnson, Isaac Badgley, John Dull. Corporals - Hezekiah G. Canfield, Jonathan S. Pattison, Josiah Gibbs; Drummer - John Bartoo. Fifer - Horatio Hopkins.

Names of commissioned and non-commissioned officers of companies of Chautauqua militia, under the command of Col. John McMahan:

Capt. Silsby's Company - Dec. 20, 1813, to Feb. 3, 1814.

Captain - John Silsby. Lieut.--- Charles Bemus. Ensign - Clark Parker. Sergeants --- Zephaniah Phelps, Abijah Bennett, Peter Simmons, John Wisner, Wm. Russell, [substitute for H. Tinkcom,] David Bly. Corporals - Robert Latham, Stephen Deming, Samuel Griffith, Hezekiah Seymour, Asa Martin. Drummer - John Lee. fifer s--Myron Bly, Alanson Root.

Lieut. Forbes' Company---Dec. 20, 1813, to Feb. 3, 1814.

[This company was set off from Capt. Silsby's. Solomon Jones was appointed captain; Wm. Forbes, lieut.; and William Martin, ensign. Mr. Jones declining the appointment, Forbes was the senior in command.]

Lieutenant - William Forbes. Ensign - William Martin. Sergeants - Amos Bird, Phineas Palmeter, Jr., Isaac Martin, Elijah Akin. Corporals - Stephen Hadley, Ira Owens.

Capt. Adams' Company --- Dec. 20, 1813, to Feb. 3, 1814.

Captain - Moses Adams. First Lieut. - David Eaton. Second Lieut.-- Campbell Alexander. Ensign -- William Ingersoll. Sergeants - Nathaniel Fay, James Dickson, John Dull, Philip Stephens, Daniel C.Northrup, Robert C. Dickson. Corporals - Pliny Case, [substitute for I. Sweet,] Friend Johnson, [taken prisoner at Black Rock,] Rufus Perry, Wm. M. Riddle, Wilder Emerson, John Smith, [wounded.] Drummer -- George Hall. fifer - Barney Turtelot.

Capt. Tubbs' Company - Dec. 20, 1813. to Feb. 3, 1814.

Captain - Martin B. Tubbs. Lieut. - Peter Ingersoll. Ensign - Guy Webster. Sergeants - Miles Webster, Joel Barrels, James Knapp, Nathaniel Barney, Jonathan S. Pattison. Corporals - Salmon Munger, Ira Clothier, Allen Denny, Asahel Burnham, Uriah Nash, Moses Hines. Fifers - Wm. Wilcox, Thomas Nevins. Drummers - John Bartoo, Samuel Nevins.

Capt. Tubbs Company --- Aug 1, 1814 to Sept. 26, 1814.

Captain - Martin B. Tubbs. Lieut. - Benj. Perry. Ensign - Samuel Smith. Sergeants - Miles Webster, Sudim Graves, Jonathan S. Pattison, James Knapp. Corporals - Chester Smith, Arunah Gilmore, Rufus Ransted, Preserved Wells, Ira Clothier. Drummer - Jno. White. Fifer - Thos. Nevins.

Capt. McMahan's Company---August 1, 1814.

Captain - James McMahan. Lieutenant - Charles Bemus. Second Lieut .-- Campbell Alexander. Ensign - William Ingersoll. Sergeants - Zephaniah Phillips, Nathaniel Fay, Isaiah Martin, Daniel C. Northrup, Reuben Ellis, Daniel Bennett. Corporals - Robert Latham, Stephen Dunning, Pliny Cass, Lorrel Nichols, Rufus Berry.Fifers - Wm..Bandel, Myron Bly.

In the original record of the companies, we find a large portion of the persons enrolled, marked as deserters. Of one of the companies, more than one-half are so designated; of two or three others, a considerable number; and a few in the remaining ones. The greater portion of those who were returned as deserters, are not to be considered as really such. The state of their families, and the condition of affairs at and about Buffalo, were such as to justify a majority of them to visit their homes. Circumstances clearly indicate that the defection of most of them may not be justly ascribed to cowardice or disloyalty. Their character forbids the supposition. They were then and during the remainder of their lives, highly respected citizens, some of whom are still living. Nor did they leave clandestinely as deserters usually do. Judge Foote, in a note at the end of the lists, says:

"It will be seen that nearly all the desertions were in the companies of Col. McMahan's regiment, in the winter of 1813-1814, in the vicinity of Buffalo, after it had been burned. They had nothing to do. They had no quarters or tents, nor comfortable rations; and they event home openly and boldly, with the knowledge of the officers, without opposition, though without their consent."

George W. Manly, a substitute for Asahel Russell, under Capt. Silsby, and discharged at or`near Fort Niagara, where he remained until after the Buffalo battle, after which he went to the battle ground" to look for the dead and wounded," says:

"There was not a house nor tent for the soldiers in the town. They could not procure food or lodging; and there was not an enemy; on this side of the river. The soldiers that went home to Chautauqua did so because they were obliged to; being without money, and having no government stock on hand. Besides, most of them had left their families and cattle without food. The latter had to be kept on browse, and some of them died. The weather was cold, and the soldiers had to furnish their own blankets, for the want of which their families were suffering; and their presence at home was necessary to keep their families from starvation."

William Russell, a sergeant in Capt. Silsby's company, thus describes the state of things at home on his return:

"My wife and children met me at the gate to welcome me in, and said: `You will not go back again?' I told her I should, the day after to-morrow, [the 3d of January,] and that I had the promise of being discharged in a few days. On the 6th day I returned to Buffalo with what deserters I could find, about ten. We were in season to help gather and bury the dead. I returned home the last week in February or the first in March. I found two of my cows lying dead, having died of starvation. Isaac Young had brought my wife a peck of musty meal. She boiled a quart into mush and fed it to one cow at night, and another quart the next morning; but it did not save her life. Young promised her a peck of corn per week until I returned home - a small allowance for her and six children. She proceeded to get supper. There was a little meat, but no bread except a little piece of johnny-cake. I said, boil some potatoes; but there was not one left; all had been fed to the cows to save their lives, but they died. Bed time came; when she said: 'We will fix for bed; I suppose you have got seasoned to lying on the floor.' `Yes,' I replied, `and on the ground too.' She swept the floor, and brought on the bed. I told her to bring on the straw bed. She said there had been no straw in the tick for three weeks; it had all been fed to the cows.

Now, Judge Foote, you can better conceive my feelings than I can describe them. To think of the privations and hardships we all went through, and to bear the name of deserters withal, makes the blood boil in my veins. Not a word is said about our volunteering under Gen. Peter B. Porter, and going over to Fort Erie; that is all forgotten."

David Eaton, late of Portland, under date of August 26, 1832, wrote on this subject as follows:

"We all admitted and felt that the affair at Black Rock and Buffalo was disgraceful to the militia, not of Chautauqua county alone, but of Western New York. While a part of the militia of this county remained in the vicinity of Buffalo, and another part returned, and continued in service some five or six weeks, I have no knowledge that any from the other counties, Cattaraugus, Allegany, Niagara, Genesee, and perhaps Orleans and Steuben --- ever returned at all. If the odium of desertion fairly attaches to any of us, it does also to all of them, their officers included. And I strongly suspect, (though I do not know,) that the regiments from those counties were never mustered at all; and, if so, no record was ever made of their being in the service. And thus they slipped their own necks out of the yoke, and left the disgrace, so far as appears from the returns, to be borne wholly by poor old Chautauqua. If they [from those counties] did desert, officers and all, that is no excuse for us. I have no disposition to gloss over our conduct by a comparison with others, but am willing that the truth should be known. A part of our regiment did leave after the battle, came home, and did not return; and perhaps there was no other way than to return them as deserters. But even in their case, something may be said in their favor. It was well known that Gen. McClure had just burned Newark, and everybody expected that the enemy would retaliate by burning Buffalo. When the militia of the western counties were called out, en masse, it was generally understood that it was for the express purpose of defending that place. And when they found that all was lost, it was not unnatural for them to suppose that their services were no longer needed. Col. John McMahan, who commanded the regiment from this county, said, he had been legally called into the service of the United States, and he meant to stay till he could be legally discharged. He did so, and did all he could to get the men back, and keep them there. He was, however, rather liberal in giving furloughs, and many of us took the advantage of it, myself among the rest."

Gen. Hall, in his report of January 6, 1814, says: "The Chautauqua militia, a regiment under the command of Lt. Col. McMahan, which arrived at Buffalo on the 29th of December, about 300 men, swelled my force to 2,001; which was reduced by alarm and desertion, on the morning of the alarm, to less than 1,200 men. And so deficient were my supplies of ammunition, that a great part of the cartridges for Lt. Col. McMahan's regiment were made and distributed after they were paraded on the morning of the battle. Col. McMahan's regiment had been a reserve in battle; but when ordered into action, terror seized them - they flew in disgrace, though some stood by and behaved well, and endeavored to rally men."

To the defection of the reserve, he imputes, in great part, his defeat.

From the statements in preceding pages, it is not easy to determine what measure of blame attaches to the Chautauqua militia. It should be remembered that they were raw soldiers, without adequate drill, and without experience, hurried into action, almost at the moment of their arrival, against the well-drilled and experienced British soldiers. There may have been other difficulties which could not have been overcome by the best-disciplined troops. It was well for themselves and their families, that their services were not needed for any considerable period after the unfortunate engagement we have described.

When the war was about to commence, many were more apprehensive of our inability to cope with the enemy on the seas than on the land. But it is now generally conceded that our greatest successes were achieved by our navy. Both the belligerents probably congratulated themselves on the return of peace, though neither had occasion to rejoice at what had been gained in the contest. We doubtless convinced Great Britain of our strength as a nation, and our ability to defend ourselves against the encroachments and injuries of other powers; but our government failed to secure the only object fought for - to redress the grievance of the impressment of seamen on American vessels. The repeal of the British orders in council, of which we justly complained, as will be remembered, was proclaimed before the war had really commenced, leaving only the impressment question at issue, Which was left as it had been, without any concession on the part of Great Britain. Peace, even with this grievance unredressed, was a boon, for which our people had reason to be grateful. Especially have we occasion to rejoice at the prospect of perpetual peace between two nations having a common origin, a common language, and a common religion.

The last battle was fought at New Orleans, in which our army under Gen. Jackson gained a brilliant victory, after the treaty of peace had been negotiated in Europe. Peace, however, was not proclaimed in this country until February following.

Page(s) 172-181, History of Chautauqua County, New York, From Its First Settlement to the Present Time with Numerous Biographical and Family Sketches.  by Andrew W. Young. Buffalo, New York, Printing House of Matthew and Warren, 1875.

Transcribed September 2007 by Nathan Zipfel for the Chautauqua County History Project

 

 

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